The Economist has published an article titled “How India Became an Unexpected Role Model for Europe.” And according to the piece, it’s not just about “currying favour”—a phrase that hints at the article’s liberal use of similarly cringeworthy puns.
Acknowledging with a touch of self-awareness that aging Europeans frequently retreat to India in search of renewal—"revitalized by a few yoga stretches and endless cups of masala chai"—the article poses an intriguing question: could the same approach benefit political federations?
“The entire team of 27 European Union commissioners is gearing up for a brief passage to India later this month, a rare mass excursion out of their small peninsula,” writes The Economist. “For the Brussels-dwelling Eurocrats on tour, the bustling South Asian vibe on offer will mark a sharp contrast with their home turf, whose sclerotic economy is matched only by its gridlocked politics.”
In its signature style, The Economist delivers sharp critiques of India, veiled in broad generalizations. It anticipates the EU’s visit will feature “earnest entreaties” for a trade deal, along with complaints about “grinding poverty” and the “putrid smog” of Delhi.
“Europeans have long come to poorer countries with lectures on how backward locals should aspire to be more like them, with a focus on human rights, green rules and so on. That moralising tone might usefully be left behind in this case,” the report says.
“For all India’s flaws, an attentive European visitor will see much there that should make them envious—and that they might learn from.”
What makes India an unexpected role model for Europeans? Economic growth, according to The Economist. “It’s something as unfamiliar to them as bland food might be in Mumbai,” the article notes.
Another attractive aspect for Europeans is India’s demographics. With concerns about an aging population and potential decline in wealth, Europe could learn valuable lessons from India’s social model, the article suggests.
“As representatives of federal Europe’s top body, the commissioners will look with jealousy at India’s governance,” the report goes on, concluding with surprising acclaim. “How can a peninsula with two dozen official languages, different religions and cuisines ever spawn a coherent collective identity, with an army to boot? Europe is wondering; India has already shown the way.”
The article notes that not all aspects of Indian politics are suitable for imitation. It points out the issues of "crass majoritarianism" and an "over-centralised" political system in India. However, while in the country, Eurocrats would benefit more from meeting Infosys co-founder Nandan Nilekani rather than Prime Minister Narendra Modi, as Nilekani's vision for digital infrastructure is worth exploring.
“A detour to Bangalore and its startup scene would prove enlightening for the EU brigade,” The Economist suggests.
A more likely scenario is that most of the discussion will revolve around geopolitics. “India and Europe are both aspiring third wheels in a Group of Two (G2) world. Both fret about being dependent on China as a trade partner and could use each other’s help to diversify. Both also worry about America’s Trumpian turn, though it is “more obviously problematic for the EU,” the article says. Additionally, India has attained a level of the "strategic economy" that Europeans are now seeking.
The Economist highlights that Europeans have much to contemplate when it comes to biryani.
Meanwhile, The New York Times keeps covering the iconic India story—the Maha Kumbh, which has reached an estimated 500 million visitors, as per government figures. Global media continues to be in awe of its immense scale.
“The makeshift metropolis constructed for the event sits on 10,000 acres of land temporarily claimed from the Ganges, whose waters recede at this time of year. The ‘ephemeral megacity’, as Harvard researchers have called it, includes hospitals, pontoon bridges, nearly 70,000 street lamps, thousands of flush toilets, 250 miles of steel-plank roads resting on the silty river bed, and tents running from the modest to the luxurious,” Anupreeta Das and Hari Kumar cover this in the NYT's India Dispatch.
What truly captivates their attention is the mela’s Lost and Found Center, which helps reunite individuals who have taken a wrong turn with their families and companions.
In Have You Seen This Pilgrim? Lost in the Throngs of the Kumbh Mela, the NYT highlights that “the state and central governments are spending hundreds of millions of dollars to ensure the safety of Kumbh Mela pilgrims, an undertaking whose immense challenges became clear last month when 30 pilgrims died in a stampede as they rushed to bathe in the river.”
“Crucial to the safety effort are the lost-and-found center and its 10 field offices. They are a place of hope and despair, as devotees show up by the thousands every day to report missing persons and, sometimes, lost objects.”
Attendees have the opportunity to use the public address system to make announcements in their native languages, while volunteers from nonprofit organizations offer comfort to those who are anxious or scared.
“Once someone reports a person missing, workers feed as many details as they can into a computerised system that uses facial-recognition technology. The information is shared with the police and other offices and also announced over the public address system. Those who are found are put up in a hall lined with beds made of cardboard boxes. This year, they were donated by Amazon and feature its logo prominently,” the NYT reports.
In the meantime, Andy Mukherjee writes in Bloomberg that by imposing reciprocal tariffs, "Trump set a cold tone for the highly anticipated meeting" with Modi last week.
This spells trouble for India, as it will have a particularly harsh impact on the country, Mukherjee notes in Indian Markets Feel the Chill in Trump-Modi Ties.
“From iron, steel and auto parts to pearls, stones and mineral fuels, nine of its top 10 exports to the US would suffer incremental duties of 6 to 24 percentage points,” he writes, citing economists who "estimate that the overall tariff increase is 7 percentage points."
Mukherjee writes that this decline in competitiveness will exert additional pressure on the rupee.
“Reciprocal tariffs won’t kick in before an April 1 review of other countries’ trade practices. That gives Modi time to start negotiating a trade deal, even though it will probably mean making more concessions, such as to Elon Musk’s Starlink satellite broadband service,” he writes.
“Trump is pushing India to buy more US military hardware, including the F-35 warplane. New Delhi has already agreed to change a civil liability law that has held up Westinghouse Electric Co.’s nuclear-power reactors for more than a decade.”
Trump might request more than just reduced import tariffs—he could also focus on subsidies, regulations, VAT, or exchange rates. Increasing the export of US oil and gas could also pose challenges for India's balance of payments and energy goals.
“At a joint White House news conference with Modi, Trump spoke of new US-India trade routes, connected by ports and railways and passing through Italy and Israel. The revival of the previously proposed India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor, which has seen little progress since its 2023 launch, may be good news for Gautam Adani, Asia’s second-richest businessman,” Mukherjee writes.
However, he adds that the stock market remains unconvinced.
“The ‘Howdy Modi’ era is over. Cordiality remains, but the camaraderie is gone. No matter how big a positive spin either side puts on the talk, the body language should be enough to make India’s jittery market more nervous,” he writes.
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